, Heinlein, Robert A Take Back Your Government 

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required distance for campaigning. He is permitted, under most state laws, to double as a poll watcher,
thus keeping a running record of who has voted for the automobile workers, provided he does no
electioneering while inside the balk line. He sets up a "headquarters" - a parked car, a card table, or a
packing case - and covers it with signs for your candidate, and then attempts to hand some small, simple
printed reminder that Jonathan Upright is running to each person who approaches the polls. If the local
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administration is unfriendly and unscrupulous he may have trouble with cops. If this is anticipated, have
your best lawyer have a talk with the chief of police ahead of time, explaining your intentions, going over
the law,
203
TAKE BACK YOUR GOVERNMENT!
and reaching a full understanding as to just what will be allowed. If your police chief is recalcitrant, let
him know that you intend to fall back on the federal authorities - there are pertinent Supreme Court
rulings which can scare the boots off a local official if he knows that you know your rights.
A second poll worker is desirable, as there are usually two approaches in view of the no-electioneering
balk line. Anyone who is old enough to walk can be an assistant, the younger the better.
(g) Telephone workers may be found among supporters or wives of workers who are tied down by
small children or ill health but can use a telephone. They must be provided with lists, by the precinct
worker, and mimeographed instructions, from you. Here is an adequate formula: "How do you do? Mrs.
Duplex? Mrs. Duplex, this is the Jonathan Upright-for-Congress Citizen's Committee. Have you voted
yet today? Would you like to have one of us call to take you to the polls by automobile? Oh, that's quite
all right - you can take the baby with you; we will take care of him during the few minutes it takes you to
vote. Is there any other member of your family who needs transportation? Very well then, suppose we
pick you up sometime between ten a.m. and noon? No?
"How about between four and six? Three o'clock is better? Very well, then, we will make a special trip
for you at three o'clock; I'll make a note of it. Not at all, we're glad to do it."
No direct attempt to campaign would be made in these phone calls; limit them to offering service and
reminding the voter of the election, while mentioning the name of the candidate as often as possible by
referring to the committee by its full name. The person who makes the pick-up limits his campaigning to
signs on the car and to handing to each passenger as he gets in a copy of the same small printed item
used at the polls.
TAKE BACK YOUR GOVERNMENT!
205
Robert A. Hemlein
204
Election day work is simply to turn your potential votes into real votes by seeing to it that all your
supporters get to the polls. Many times your interest lies in a minor candidate or in a proposition on the
ballot. Votes for these can frequently be obtained by the courtesy of supplying a ride to the polls. Many
people vote only for candidates for president, governor, and senator. The votes of these people can be
sewed up for Mr. Upright if one of Mr. Upright's friends supplies the transportation.
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Watching the Count: These votes gained on election day can be lost on election night, in the count. One
of the commonest pieces of chicanery in the counting is to take advantage of the feet that many people
neglect to vote for any but the head of the ticket If the ballot is of the style in which the candidates are
grouped by offices it is very easy to mark incomplete ballots after the polls are closed. Thus with 300
ballots cast for governor of which only 250 have been marked for a congressional choice, split 110 for
Doubletalk and 140 for Trueblue, five minutes work behind closed doors can change the result to 160
for Doubletalk and 140 for Trueblue without leaving any provable evidence of fraud.
Ballots arranged by tickets rather than by offices are more usually faked by throwing out as improperly
marked any split ticket ballot which does not suit the dishonest polling judge and by accepting such
ballots when the split does suit him, no matter how many technical mistakes the voter may have made.
Actual stuffing of the ballot box is very rare and the cash-in-hand purchase of votes is still more rare,
whereas the election which is actually changed in outcome by these methods is so seldom found that it
may be regarded as a museum piece.
These crude methods of blatant dishonesty are not used by the more successful city machines, even
when the Machine is corrupt to the core, because they are not
as efficient nor as reliable as machine methods which are technically honest. If a Machine resorts to use
them it is a symptom that it is on the skids. (Cf. Kansas City vote fraud trials.)
Your watcher will not be able to do much actually to check the count, because there is so much going
on. But the presence of the watcher, announced as such to the official in charge, will be an almost airtight
deterrent against fraud. In addition to purportedly watching the count the watcher keeps careful track of
how many ballots are discarded as spoiled and for what reasons; this can strongly affect the outcome of a
contested election.
Voting machines make the above routine unnecessary. It may be possible to inject fraud into an election
conducted with a voting machine other than by the crude methods of coercion or bribery, since anything [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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